Arguably, Mark
Begich is a Democrat in name only. Alaska's new U.S. senator joined a
bipartisan group that whacked away at the economic stimulus, getting it
down to $787 billion. He allied himself with Republican Sen. Lisa
Murkowski of Alaska in a new push to allow oil drilling in the state's
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. And he joined several Republicans who
wish to let gun owners who have permits carry concealed weapons across
state lines.
Anchorage Mayor Mark Begich talks about winning the U.S. Senate seat from Sen. Ted Stevens in Anchorage, Alaska.
People Who Read This Also Read
The low-key, boyish Begich (pronounced BEG-ich) was mayor of
Anchorage for almost six years before taking his Senate seat in
January. He toppled the legendary Ted Stevens, who, when voters cast
ballots in November, had just amassed seven felony convictions for
lying about $250,000 in gifts.
The 85-year-old former senator—to many Alaskans, the beloved "Uncle
Ted" who had delivered billions of dollars to the state—was by no means
a goner, even with the brand-new rap sheet. Stevens had served longer
than any GOP senator in history, and Begich eked out a win by only
3,953 votes, about 1 percent of the total.
He chose the high road during his challenge, leaving national
Democrats to deliver a fusillade of attack ads. Stevens, Begich says
now, "was out of touch. He did a good job, people said, but the
country's changing, Alaska's changing, and they wanted a fresh, new
voice down here."
Begich speaks from cramped, temporary space in the Hart Senate
Office Building, where an old blue license plate—stamped "Alaska U.S.A.
1"—symbolizes both a tragedy and his trajectory. The plate belonged to
his father, Nick Begich, a one-term House member who was declared dead
in 1972 after his plane went missing over the Gulf of Alaska. He was
campaigning for re-election with the House majority leader, Rep. Hale
Boggs of Louisiana. Neither was ever found.
The catastrophe left Begich's mother a widow with six children.
Begich, the fourth youngest, says he seemed the least likely one in his
family to later pursue office. Imagine being a 10-year-old boy and
losing a father to his job, he says, "because that's what it was. He
was serving in his job." In adulthood, Begich threw himself into
business and real estate pursuits. He steered clear of politics, but he
felt the tug because, he says, "ingrained in our family is public
service." At age 26, he started a nearly 10-year stint on Anchorage's
city council. He ran twice for mayor and lost before capturing two
terms, the first in 2003.
Ideologically, he says he's a "moderate-to-conservative Democrat"
and admires lawmakers such as Sen. Jim Webb. Begich calls the Democrat
from Virginia an independent thinker who works across the aisle "to get
things done." Both are strong supporters of gun rights.
Begich is part of a new generation on Capitol Hill—26 senators have
been elected or appointed since 2006—and in Alaska. He professes a
"good relationship" with the Republican governor, Sarah Palin, even
though she is mentioned as a potential challenger. Begich says they've
worked cooperatively—she as governor, he as mayor of the state's
largest city. They are close in age, and both have small children, he
points out. (Begich and his wife have a 6-year-old son.) His wife owns
small businesses, including a bookstore and gift shop in Ted Stevens
Anchorage International Airport.
Begich is the only U.S. senator without a college degree. When he
graduated from high school, Alaska was experiencing a "financial
crash," which ruled out college. Instead, he helped his mother, who
owned apartments, and two younger siblings. Over the years, he's taken
classes, a la carte, at the University of Alaska-Anchorage, including
ones on accounting and speech.
The all-day commute to Alaska (3,760 air miles, via Seattle) and its
remoteness (four time zones from the Capitol) suggest the challenges
inherent in representing the 50-year-old Last Frontier. The
detail-oriented Begich uses "plane time" to work and study legislation.
He plans to move his family to Washington.
His father was a conscientious, never-say-die lawmaker who was
obsessed with using 3-by-5 index cards to keep track of the colleagues
he needed to lobby and the constituents he'd met. "This was the day
before the PalmPilot," his son says. The elder lawmaker's key
achievement—passage of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, after
many years of stalemate—is one that informs his son. Begich says he is
apt to pick up the phone "for a conversation" with lawmakers of all
stripes, believing, "When there's a 'no,' there could be a 'yes.'
They're just not sure yet."
Environmentalists have criticized his bid to open ANWR to oil and
gas exploration as "dead on arrival." But Begich says many of his
colleagues have never set foot in Alaska to view its oil and natural
gas operations. He also points out that he's the first Democrat in the
state's three-member congressional delegation since 1981, which makes
him think there's an "opportunity to do some education."
At the University of Alaska-Fairbanks, political scientist Jerry
McBeath says relatively few policy differences emerged between Stevens
and Begich as they did battle. He says that Begich is not only much
younger but more tactful than the hot-tempered Stevens. But it remains
to be seen, he says, how effective Begich will be in bringing home the
bacon, particularly since he has never served in the Capitol or held
statewide office.
Begich, after all, is not just a new lawmaker. He's a giant-slayer
who took out a longtime congressional appropriator, one whose education
into the ways of Washington began when Begich was 6 and just a
schoolboy.